There rarely are second acts, to borrow a phrase from F. Scott Fitzgerald, in American politics.
Larry Summers, lauded as President Clinton's Treasury secretary, made a comeback to government 2 1/2 years ago as President Obama's chief economic adviser with expectations he would become the next chairman of the Federal Reserve. Instead, he returned to Harvard University, his reputation not enhanced.
More striking was Donald Rumsfeld, a powerful figure in the Gerald Ford administration, including a stint as defense secretary, and an influential Republican national security voice for the next quarter century. Surprisingly, he came back to his old Cabinet job under President George W. Bush in 2001.
Rumsfeld was forced out 5 1/2 years later, an embarrassment to his party. You are unlikely to ever hear the current Republican presidential candidates invoke his name.
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This history makes Robert Gates all the more remarkable. The director of the Central Intelligence Agency under President George H.W. Bush, he was summoned by George W. Bush to succeed Rumsfeld, the Pentagon in disarray. He then acceded to Obama's request to stay on.
He is retiring today, highly respected by politicians of both parties, military officers and rank and file, and the public.
His first act was good; the second act off the charts.
His stewardship hasn't been during an easy time. He oversaw the surge in the Iraq War and the steady escalation of the conflict in Afghanistan. Partisanship has been pronounced in Washington, D.C., the past five years.
Yet Gates somehow largely coped with the challenges, even rose above them. It's hard to find a critic among politicians.
Republican Sen. Richard Lugar hails him as one of "America's most brilliant public servants." Democratic Sen. Jack Reed praises him as "the ideal of a public servant — great integrity, great intelligence and total dedication to his country."
At the Pentagon he has restored a mutual respect between civilians and the military that was deeply frayed under Rumsfeld, whose disdain for some flag officers was palpable.
"No one is more dedicated to those of us in uniform than Bob Gates," Adm. Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said at a recent dinner for wounded veterans where the defense chief received a standing ovation.
"Bob Gates respects and understands the sacrifice soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines are making, is humbled by what they do," Reed said. "They know and appreciate that respect."
Not since President Eisenhower's farewell address has a top Washington official departed with more candor and credibility. Gates recently told America's European allies that the six-decade-old North Atlantic Treaty Organization faces a "dim if not dismal future" due to their insistence that the U.S. carry a disproportionate share of the financial and military burden. And, in a reference to Iraq, and indirectly Libya, he raised doubts about "wars of choice." The Iraq War "will always be clouded by how it began, which was a wrong premise," he declared. "There were, in fact, no weapons of mass destruction."
In the model of George C. Marshall, the Army chief of staff in World War II and one of his predecessors as defense secretary, Gates is devoted to public service, and is himself a powerful reminder of its importance.
Too often in America, patriotism is superficial — wearing a flag lapel or concluding speeches with "God bless America." Gates is a real-deal patriot.
He's being succeeded as defense secretary by another genuine patriot and high-class second act, Leon Panetta — former congressman, budget director, White House chief of staff and, most recently, director of the CIA.
Even with those credentials, Panetta has a tough act to follow. The man he replaces as Pentagon chief is fond of quoting John Adams' admonition about the importance of "public business," in a letter the Founding Father wrote to his son: "If wise men decline it, others will not. If honest men refuse it, others will not."
Bob Gates, a wise and honest man, served.