There is something surreal about Pakistani officials' reaction to the killing of Osama bin Laden.
Their focus has been wholly on the violation of Pakistan's sovereignty by the U.S. raid, rather than the fact that bin Laden was living well in their country. The army chief, Gen. Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, warned he would not tolerate any repeat of such covert action. The country's foreign secretary, Salman Bashir, said any similar attack could lead to "terrible consequences."
"No self-respecting nation would compromise or allow others to compromise its sovereignty," Bashir insisted.
But how could any self-respecting nation allow the world's top terrorist — a foreigner — to operate out of its heartland? How could any self-respecting state permit the leader of al-Qaida to base his operation in its country?
Unless Pakistani officials address these questions head-on, they are heading for terrible consequences. They are risking not just their relationship with the United States but their country's future existence as well.
No one believes the civilian government of President Asif Ali Zardari knew bin Laden was hiding in Abbottabad. And most experts doubt that Kayani, a square shooter, was aware of bin Laden's location.
But few security experts familiar with Pakistan doubt that some agents in Pakistan's Interservice Intelligence Agency knew of bin Laden's hideout. How could they not? He was living practically next door to Pakistan's equivalent of West Point, in a city filled with serving and retired military personnel — a city where other top al-Qaida operatives had been captured.
If the fix wasn't in, wouldn't the ISI have been watching for unusual activities, especially since the mansion where bin Laden lived had already attracted attention? Wouldn't ISI agents have checked out who lived there?
"If we didn't know, we are a failed state," wrote the astute Pakistani columnist Cyril Almeida, in Dawn newspaper. "If we did know, we are a rogue state. But does anybody really believe they didn't know?"
Upon the answer to this question will depend the future of U.S.-Pakistani relations. This administration, particularly Adm. Mike Mullen, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, has tried hard to build bonds of trust with Pakistani counterparts, including Kayani and ISI chief Ahmed Shuja Pasha.
But unless the ISI comes clean on bin Laden, it will be hard to deflect congressional pressure to cut military and civilian aid to Islamabad. It may become impossible for the two countries to cooperate on a political endgame for the Afghan war that will stabilize that country, as U.S. troops exit. Without such cooperation, Afghanistan faces renewed civil war that will spill across the border. This would be a self-inflicted tragedy for Pakistan.
The U.S.-Pakistani relationship was already on a downhill slide because of Pakistani ire over an expanded CIA presence in their country. But this presence — which Pakistan wants to slash — would be unnecessary if the ISI was in vigorous pursuit of the leaders of al-Qaida and other hard-line terrorists on their soil.
"The best way to confront the situation is to come clean and tell people what is really happening," I was told by retired Pakistani Gen. Talat Masood by phone from Islamabad. Instead, Pakistani officials are "posturing," doing damage control at home by focusing on the American incursion.
"This is a very dangerous way of deflecting the public's attitude from the real problem," Masood said. "Are they proposing to face the problem or not? We need to know."